The International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)[1] based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly monitors and conducts analyses of developments across the Middle East, the Balkans and global affairs. Ahead of the second round of Kosovo’s local elections, scheduled for 9 November 2025, IFIMES has prepared an assessment of the country’s current political situation. Drawing on the comprehensive study entitled “Local Elections in Kosovo 2025: Between local consolidation and the potential transformation of the political system through early parliamentary elections”, we present the key findings and the most notable highlights. The analysis offers a clear overview of political trends, key challenges and the scope for dialogue between Pristina and Belgrade, as well as for integrating ethnic communities within Kosovo’s institutions.
The first round of Kosovo’s fifth local elections was held on 12 October 2025 in all 38 municipalities. Voters elected mayors and members of municipal assemblies, with a turnout of 39.58% out of more than two million registered citizens eligible to vote.
In 20 municipalities, the electoral process was completed in the first round, resulting in the election of new mayors and municipal assemblies. The Central Election Commission (CEC) of Kosovo approved the electoral roll for the second round, scheduled for 9 November 2025, to be held in 18 municipalities: Gjakovë/Djakovica, Gjilan/Gnjilane, Dragash/Dragaš, Kaçanik/Kačanik, Klinë/Klina, Fushë Kosovë/Kosovo Polje, Mitrovicë e Jugut/Južna Mitrovica, Obiliq/Obilić, Rahovec/Orahovac, Pejë/Peć, Prishtinë/Priština, Prizren/Prizren, Suharekë/Suva Reka, Viti/Vitina, Vushtrri/Vučitrn,Junik/Junik, Mamushë/Mamuša and Klokot.
Among the Serb-majority municipalities, only Kllokot/Klokot will proceed to a second round of voting, while in the remaining nine the Serb List – the largest political party representing Kosovo Serbs, which enjoys firm support from Belgrade and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić – secured a decisive victory.
During his previous term in office, Prime Minister Albin Kurti and his Self-Determination Movement (Vetëvendosje – LVV) continued their determined efforts to combat corruption, organised crime and parallel power structures that had operated for decades in the grey zone between politics and the economy.
Kurti’s confrontation with the so-called tycoon and mafia elites provoked resistance in some local communities but, at the same time, drew broad public support from citizens weary of clientelism and captured institutions. This “zero-compromise” approach to corruption has become the hallmark of his government and a defining element of the Self-Determination Movement’s political identity.
The results of the first round of local elections show that this policy has paid off. The Self-Determination Movement scored a major success in most urban centres, particularly in Pristina, Prizren, Peć and Gnjilane, where Kurti’s image as a reformist leader and a symbol of political consistency was reaffirmed. His authority was further reinforced by the widespread perception that he has managed to curb the mass emigration of the population, which until recently had been among Kosovo’s most serious demographic challenges.
Political analysts point out that the strategic misstep of the opposition parties (LDK, PDK, AAK) lay in the personalisation of their campaign, as they focused almost their entire rhetoric on attacking Albin Kurti instead of presenting concrete programmes and development policies for local communities. Consequently, observers argue, they only further strengthened Kurti’s position as the most stable leader Kosovo has had since its declaration of independence and consolidated his unrivalled standing within the broader Albanian political spectrum.
During the election campaign, international actors strongly favoured Prime Minister Albin Kurti and his Self-Determination Movement (Vetëvendosje – LVV), creating a perception of stability and international legitimacy for his government.
A key moment came with the Self-Determination Movement’s admission as an associate member of the Party of European Socialists (S&D). Through this, the movement gained formal recognition and political support within Europe’s progressive circles, further affirming Kurti’s status as a reformist and pro-European force. This step also symbolises Kosovo’s ideological alignment with the mainstream of European social democracy, paving the way for deeper cooperation with partners in the European Union.
At the same time, Turkey provided substantial support through military and technical cooperation, including donations of Bayraktar drones – a clear signal of the strategic partnership between Ankara and Pristina. This support extends beyond the purely military aspect, carrying considerable political and diplomatic weight and reaffirming Turkey’s role as a stabilising actor in the Balkans and a bridge between the Islamic world and Western institutions.
Meanwhile, the United States continues to be Kosovo’s principal partner, offering political, military and diplomatic support, including the presence of NATO’s KFOR mission and assistance in strengthening Kosovo’s security capacities. Washington’s engagement underscores Kosovo’s strategic importance for regional stability and the broader security architecture of the Balkans, while simultaneously reinforcing Kurti’s image as a leader capable of balancing European integration with transatlantic interests.
The combined effect of European, Turkish and American support has further strengthened Kosovo’s status as a reliable ally within the Western security and political framework, while Kurti’s international image has been affirmed as that of a new-generation leader capable of combining a reform agenda with regional diplomacy and strategic vision.
The Serb List achieved a historic success in the local elections, attracting particular attention from both political circles and the analytical community. In most Serb-majority municipalities, the party secured convincing victories, reaffirming its status as the dominant political representative of the Serb population in Kosovo. This outcome reflects high voter mobilisation and close ties with Belgrade, while also demonstrating that, despite the sensitive political context, the elections were held in a largely calm and orderly atmosphere.
The Serb List’s success carries multiple implications. Above all, it consolidates the party’s position as an indispensable participant in all future political and institutional processes in Kosovo, particularly within the framework of the EU-facilitated Belgrade–Pristina dialogue. At the same time, this result may serve as a catalyst for a new political dynamic within Kosovo’s system, opening the way for a reassessment of existing relations between local Serb communities and the central authorities in Pristina.
The Serb List therefore positions itself not only as a local political factor but also as a potential counterbalance within the broader regional framework. In the event of early parliamentary elections, its role may prove decisive in shaping the balance of power and defining the future architecture of political stability in Kosovo.
One of the key takeaways from the local elections concerns the compatibility between local and central levels of governance. In municipalities where the Self-Determination Movement retained or gained power, accelerated development and more efficient implementation of national policies are expected, particularly in the fields of infrastructure, education and digital transformation.
By contrast, in municipalities where opposition parties or independent candidates prevailed, delays and institutional gridlocks are likely, especially in relation to access to central funding and the implementation of EU-backed projects.
Political compatibility thus becomes a prerequisite for the effective functioning of the Kosovan state, particularly at a time when Kosovo is in the process of harmonising its legislation with EU standards and pursuing an active diplomatic campaign to secure further international recognition and membership in global organisations.
The second round of local elections, set for 9 November 2025, will serve as a test of stability for Albin Kurti’s political bloc and a decisive moment for several symbolically important municipalities: Pristina, Prizren, Peć, Gnjilane and South Mitrovica.
The Self-Determination Movement is expected to maintain its advantage in most municipalities where it is competing in the second round, although surprises remain possible in areas where local coalitions have formed against Kurti’s candidates.
Should the Self-Determination Movement confirm its dominance in the second round, Kurti will enter the final stage of his mandate as the most stable leader since Kosovo’s declaration of independence. Conversely, fragmentation of local government could create room for political instability and institutional deadlocks in Kosovo.
Kosovo now finds itself at the crossroads of two political cycles – local and potentially parliamentary. The election results point to increasing political maturity among the electorate, reduced ethnic tensions and growing interest in social and economic issues, reflecting a more comprehensive civic engagement in the political process.
Despite criticism from the opposition, Albin Kurti has positioned himself as a leader of a new generation, able to strike a balance between national dignity and a pragmatic European orientation. Opinion polls confirm his stable support, with around 50% of voters backing the Self-Determination Movement (LVV), further reinforcing his standing on Kosovo’s political stage.
The 2025 local elections have shown that Kosovo is moving towards a more stable institutional framework, while political compatibility between local and central levels remains a key precondition for the success of future reforms.
Should Albin Kurti confirm victory in the second round, his government is expected to continue dismantling corrupt networks, strengthening state sovereignty and fostering social cohesion, while further enhancing Kosovo’s international standing through cooperation with European social democrats and strategic partners such as the United States, the EU and Turkey.
Kosovo thus enters a new phase – between local consolidation and the potential transformation of the political system through possible early parliamentary elections, which could either reaffirm or redefine the current reform trajectory. Regardless of political circumstances, the key priority remains ensuring lasting peace and long-term stability in the country.
Ljubljana/Washington/Brussels/ Prishtinë, 29 October 2025
[1] IFIMES - International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has a special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council ECOSOC/UN in New York since 2018, and it is the publisher of the international scientific journal "European Perspectives." Available at: https://www.europeanperspectives.org/en
