The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)[1], headquartered in Ljubljana, is a globally recognized policy research institution known for its in-depth analyses of international affairs, with particular expertise in the Middle East, the Balkans, and other strategically important regions. Among its distinguished contributors is Ebrahim Rezaei Rad, a PhD candidate in International Relations and university lecturer specializing in energy studies, energy security, and geopolitics. In his article entitled “Europe's Climate Diplomacy in Central Asia: Energy Security or Green Colonialism?”, Rezaei Rad provides a comprehensive examination of the evolving relationship between the European Union’s climate diplomacy and Central Asia’s emerging role in the global energy transition. The article critically explores whether green energy cooperation represents a genuine framework for sustainable development and mutually beneficial partnership, or whether it risks creating new forms of dependency and resource asymmetry under the concept of “green colonialism.” By integrating perspectives from energy security, geopolitics, and climate governance, the author emphasizes the importance of transparency, technology transfer, inclusive decision-making, and equitable distribution of benefits as essential conditions for transforming EU–Central Asia cooperation into a sustainable, balanced, and long-term strategic partnership.
In an era of climate crisis and geopolitical instability, energy security stands as one of the most critical components of state foreign policy, particularly for the European Union. Following the onset of the Ukraine war and the subsequent reduction or cessation of Russian gas exports to Europe, European authorities are not only seeking to diversify their energy import routes but are also striving to accelerate the transition to renewable energy sources (Pivariu,2025). Beyond the climate and energy dimensions, this engagement is also shaped by the broader context of great power rivalry, as major global actors including China, Russia, and the West compete for influence and investment opportunities across Eurasia, with Central Asia emerging as a key geopolitical arena(IFIMES,2025). In this context, Central Asia, a region with immense potential for producing clean energy (solar, wind, hydro, and even green hydrogen), has garnered particular attention. The question that arises is whether these collaborations are genuinely founded on equal partnership and sustainable development, or whether behind the green façade of this diplomacy lay a new form of energy-driven, exploitative colonialism. To better understand the issue, we first turn to Europe’s climate diplomacy.
With the adoption of the European Green Deal in 2019, the European Union charted its strategic course towards achieving a carbon-neutral or zero-carbon economy by 2050. This deal serves as the cornerstone of European environmental policy, emphasizing the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and increasing the share of renewables in the EU's energy mix. Figure 1 illustrates the future of global cooperation for carbon neutrality under two distinct scenarios: maximum cooperation and minimal cooperation. This figure clearly demonstrates that carbon neutrality is a global concern, and the inclination toward renewable energy aligns with this objective.
This agenda not only seeks internal transformations within the EU but has also influenced the Union’s relations with other countries, especially those in Central Asia. Since its adoption, various tools have been developed to support this green transition in European foreign policy, including the Global Gateway initiative. Presented as an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Gateway aims to develop sustainable infrastructure in developing nations. In this context, Central Asian countries, owing to their vast renewable energy capacities, have attracted particular attention from across the globe, especially Europe. This cooperation primarily involves renewable energy production projects, such as solar and wind farms, notably in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. Furthermore, the development of green hydrogen in these countries is a key objective for the EU, a pursuit that has gained special significance as Europe seeks to reduce its dependence on fossil fuels and rely on clean sources. The Samarkand meeting can also be considered a significant step by EU countries towards expanding renewable energy and investing in Central Asia (Popławski, 2025).
Under the new EU strategy to be implemented for Central Asia, this initiative will foster regional cooperation through projects related to environmental protection, biodiversity, renewable energy sources, sustainable land management and agriculture, and scientific collaboration at various levels (European Research Institute, 2023). Within the framework of these policies, instruments such as the European Investment Fund, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, and partnerships with major European companies like Siemens and Total Energies are among the active mechanisms in this endeavor.
Despite having economies historically reliant on fossil fuels (oil and gas) for decades, Central Asian countries now have the opportunity to become a regional hub for clean energy. Kazakhstan alone enjoys approximately 300 sunny days per year. Turkmenistan possesses significant water resources along the Caspian Sea, and Uzbekistan has recently initiated plans to develop wind turbines in its desert regions. These characteristics make the region one of the most important geographic areas for renewable energy production.
Figure 2 shows the number of sunshine hours in Astana, Kazakhstan, indicating the country's high potential for solar energy generation. Moreover, the region's deposits of critical metals such as lithium and rare earth elements can contribute to the global supply chain for clean energy equipment (e.g., lithium batteries and solar panels). The strategic agreement between the EU and Kazakhstan on green hydrogen and critical raw materials underscores the country's importance in EU policymaking (Zabanova, 2023). Kazakhstan has also signed energy and transport agreements with the EU (NE Global, 2024). If managed properly, Central Asia could become not only an exporter of clean energy but also a technological partner for Europe. However, to become a clean energy hub, the region requires adequate infrastructure, substantial investment, and the transfer of modern technologies—capabilities the EU, as a major international actor, can provide, positioning itself as a major energy investor in the region. The €12 billion investment in renewable energy in Central Asia should be viewed in this light (Ellis, 2025). This becomes even more comprehensible when considering the investment needs of Central Asia across various sectors, including renewables, as depicted in Image 1
Furthermore, Image 2 illustrates how each country in Central Asia and the Caucasus meets its energy needs. It is evident that despite the region's high potential, Central Asian countries currently rely on oil, natural gas, and coal. Although some countries, like Tajikistan, may have turned to renewables due to a lack of access to fossil fuels.
Image 3 shows the combined renewable energy potential of Central Asia and the Caucasus, which could form a green corridor for energy transmission to Europe.
So far, on the surface, everything appears positive: foreign investment, job creation, and technology transfer. However, from a critical perspective, there are fundamental concerns regarding the structure of these collaborations. The concept of 'green colonialism' refers to situations where developed countries, leveraging climate tools and clean energy projects, effectively mobilize the natural resources and capacities of developing nations to serve their own interests, without a significant share of the benefits accruing to the host countries. These concerns intensify when large-scale solar or green hydrogen projects are planned in deprived areas without the involvement of local communities (Schaik and Cretti, 2023).
In some instances, decision-making processes at the national level in Central Asian countries occur without the participation of local communities or even civil society institutions. This prevents Central Asian countries from directly benefiting from the projects, leaving them merely as energy suppliers. In this context, examples exist of large solar projects in Kazakhstan where the social and environmental impacts on local communities were not adequately assessed. For instance, in some areas of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, lands selected for wind turbines and solar panels may be essential for local agriculture or settlement, but state authorities overlook these issues. The lack of attention to local conditions and the neglect of people's demands are significant challenges. This situation is reminiscent of the era of colonial exploitation of oil resources in the 20th century, with the difference being that now this exploitation is presented under a green guise and the cover of sustainable development.
Some proponents of European climate diplomacy argue that these collaborations are fundamentally different from previous colonial models. First, they note that transparent European legal and environmental frameworks are observed. Second, their ultimate goal is to reduce global emissions. Thus, Europe, as a global actor, seeks to ensure long-term interests by supporting green projects. Indeed, given the climate change crisis and the need to reduce greenhouse gases, the EU’s green initiatives can be presented as solutions to global problems like climate change and energy security. Yet questions remain unanswered regarding the enforceability of these frameworks and the actual role of Central Asian countries in shaping projects. There are considerable concerns and doubts, particularly concerning guarantees for the interests of Central Asian states. If the countries of the region remain merely energy suppliers for Europe, rather than technological and innovation partners, it is impossible to speak of an equitable interaction.
To steer EU-Central Asia energy relations away from a pattern of green colonialism, a fundamental reassessment of project design and implementation is required. Key recommendations for reforming this process include:
The transition to clean energy and the reduction of dependence on fossil fuels are global imperatives that must be addressed by all countries in combating the climate crisis and reducing environmental pollution. In this regard, the European Union, as a global actor, seeks to lead and advance green and sustainable policies, particularly leveraging Central Asia’s vast potential as a major source of renewable energy. With their specific geographical features and rich natural resources, Central Asian countries can play a vital role in the global transition to a green economy. However, the manner in which these collaborations are managed and structured is of paramount importance.
If EU energy cooperation with Central Asia is designed solely based on short-term interests and the exploitation of the region’s natural resources, it may lead to a repetition of a new model of economic colonialism, where Central Asian countries remain in the role of energy and raw material suppliers without benefiting from the real advantages of these projects. This situation contradicts the principles of sustainable development and social justice and could lead to social discontent and environmental degradation in these countries.
Conversely, if Central Asian countries genuinely become partners in decision-making and project design, benefit from modern technologies, and establish robust and transparent oversight institutions to evaluate the environmental and social impacts of these projects, then this cooperation can be viewed as a successful model of green diplomacy and sustainable development. Therefore, the path forward requires greater synergy, transparency in decision-making processes, and enhanced participation of local communities in major energy projects.
About the author:
Ebrahim Rezaei Rad is a PhD candidate in International Relations and a university lecturer. He is also a university lecturer and guest researcher at the Middle East Strategic Studies and Research Center, within the Energy Diplomacy Studies Group.
His primary research interests focus on energy studies, energy security, and the geopolitics of energy. He has authored several academic articles in these fields and has presented his research at international conferences addressing energy, security, and geopolitical issues. In addition, he has co-authored several books on related topics in collaboration with other scholars.
His research examines the intersection of energy, international relations, and strategic studies, with particular emphasis on the role of energy resources in shaping regional and global geopolitical dynamics.
Google Scholar profile: https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=lzVVD7kAAAAJ
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect IFIMES official position.
Ljubljana, 19 June 2026
[1] IFIMES - International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has a special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council ECOSOC/UN in New York since 2018, and it is the publisher of the international scientific journal "European Perspectives., link: https://www.europeanperspectives.org/en
