International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies (IFIMES)[1] from Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses developments in the Middle East, the Balkans, and around the world. In the text entitled “BRICS Summit Rio de Janeiro 2025: A new impetus for multipolarity?”, General (Rtd) Corneliu Pivariu, a member of IFIMES Advisory Board and founder and former CEO at Ingepo Consulting, analyzes the implications of the BRICS Summit held in Rio de Janeiro. The meeting has the potential to accelerate the process of de-dollarization and to strengthen the consolidation of a multipolar economic order.
“For some time now, the world has been going through a period of searching and realignment, and BRICS decisions can accelerate the change of the global economic order.”
Corneliu Pivariu
The BRICS meeting on 6-7 July 2025 took place in a tense international context, marked by stagnating economic growth in the West, the prolonged conflict in Ukraine, tensions in the Middle East, and an industrial revival in Asia. The summit occurred as BRICS member states seek to strengthen their role in the global architecture, but it was also marked by the physical absence of two key leaders: Xi Jinping was absent for the first time since 2012[2], and Vladimir Putin participated only online[3].
Among the participants were Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva – President of Brazil (host and rotating BRICS president), Narendra Modi – Prime Minister of India, Cyril Ramaphosa – President of South Africa, Prabowo Subianto – President of Indonesia (admitted as a member on 6 January 2025), and Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan – President of the United Arab Emirates.
This meeting is shaping up to be a turning point, with the potential to accelerate the process of de-dollarisation and the consolidation of a multipolar economic order.
The final declaration was extensive and cautious, spanning 31 pages, addressing reforms of global institutions (UN, IMF, World Bank), cooperation in health, climate change, AI, and logistics infrastructure.
Positions reserved towards the USA and Israel were expressed, with diplomatic wording chosen regarding sanctions and regional conflicts, although the military attack on Iran was condemned, and generic support for multilateralism was expressed.
Promotion of the use of national currencies[4] in internal trade to the detriment of the dollar, with support for the development of the BRICS Pay[5] platform and for the establishment of proprietary financial infrastructures, consolidation of the BRICS Bank (NDB).
Initiatives for AI regulation and data protection, highlighting the need to safeguard data against unauthorized use in AI training. Given the complexity and novelty of the subject, it will continue to be addressed to establish a mandatory legal framework in the field[6].
In the field of energy coordination and strategic resources, the meeting took place against the backdrop of a volatile oil market and new energy alliances. Discussions were held on reducing dependence on the US dollar in energy transactions and creating supply chains within BRICS[7]. Geopolitical tensions (sanctions against Russia and Iran) necessitate the acceleration of energy coordination.
The summit confirmed that technological and industrial partnerships are becoming a strategic pillar of the bloc, aiming in the medium term for technological autonomy within BRICS, the creation of an integrated internal market, and the transformation of the bloc into a major global industrial-technological actor[8].
Unlike 2024, which saw the largest BRICS expansion, no final decision was made in Rio regarding the admission of new members. It was decided to continue discussions on the admission of Saudi Arabia[9] until the BRICS 2026 summit. Additionally, it was decided to create a BRICS working group on expansion to establish: economic and political admission criteria; procedures for evaluating candidacies; and a realistic calendar for the next wave of expansion[10]. In conclusion, BRICS expansion has not stopped but has entered a period of internal consolidation following the major 2024 expansion.
The 2025 BRICS meeting will consolidate the trend of diversifying global economic and financial relations, offering member states and partners an alternative to dollar hegemony.
Through energy and resource agreements, BRICS will reduce its members' exposure to sanctions imposed by the USA and EU, especially in the context of current conflicts.
BRICS coordination may weaken the influence of the IMF and World Bank, while the NDB may become a pivot for financing infrastructure projects in the Global South.
China and India[11] will strengthen their influence as leaders of the Global South, influencing investment flows and setting technological standards.
The summit reflects the consolidation of BRICS as an alternative but cautious pole, without radical steps. The event marks a shift from ideological rhetoric to practical measures for building economic, financial, and technological autonomy.
The United States and the European Union have expressed concerns regarding the accelerated de-dollarization process, fearing the loss of global financial influence and the shift of trade flows towards BRICS platforms.
The expansion of BRICS and its de-dollarization initiatives may affect the EU's access to essential resources and emerging markets, requiring adjustments in European energy and industrial strategies to counter the growing influence of the BRICS bloc in global markets.
For Romania, it is important to closely monitor the directions set at the BRICS summit, as the expansion and consolidation of this group may generate changes in energy, raw material, and global trade markets, indirectly affecting European economies as well.
At the same time, BRICS developments may offer opportunities for targeted collaboration in areas such as infrastructure, energy, and trade, and adapting national strategies to these realities may help reduce vulnerabilities and diversify international economic partnerships.
In conclusion, although BRICS cannot unilaterally change the global economic order, the cohesion of member states' interests may gradually drive changes in global economic and financial power flows.
About the author:
Corneliu Pivariu is a highly decorated two-star general of the Romanian army (Rtd). He has founded and led one of the most influential magazines on geopolitics and international relations in Eastern Europe, the bilingual journal Geostrategic Pulse, for two decades. General Pivariu is a member of IFIMES Advisory Board.
The article presents the stance of the author and does not necessarily reflect the stance of IFIMES.
Ljubljana/Brașov, 12 July 2025
[1] IFIMES – International Institute for Middle East and Balkan Studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has Special Consultative status at ECOSOC/UN, New York, since 2018 and it’s publisher of the international scientific journal “European Perspectives”.
[2] The official reason given for the Chinese leader’s absence was “a scheduling conflict.” Insufficiently confirmed sources mention possible health issues, as well as the potential existence of tensions at the top of the Chinese political-military leadership. He was represented by Prime Minister Li Qiang.
[3] Vladimir Putin, under an arrest warrant issued by the ICC, intervened online and was physically represented by Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov.
[4] In the short term (2025-2026), BRICS transactions in national currencies are expected to increase by 15-20% compared to 2024 levels. Additionally, the testing of the BRICS digital currency in pilot transactions between China, Russia, and India is foreseen.
[5] A pilot program has been launched between China, India, and Russia for transactions in yuan, rupees, and rubles, targeting trade in raw materials and industrial equipment, with a tested volume exceeding USD 2 billion over the past six months.
[6] BRICS does not yet have a unified AI Act due to ongoing differences between Russia, China, and India. In Rio, the intention was confirmed to: strictly protect the data of BRICS citizens; condition access to data on compensation/collaboration agreements; and develop a proprietary AI infrastructure independent of foreign actors. BRICS considers data to be strategic resources, similar to mineral or energy resources.
[7] Russia and Iran proposed the creation of BRICS energy corridors (oil, LNG, strategic minerals). Discussions took place regarding the strengthening of the North-South International Transport Corridor (Iran-Russia-India). The possibility of LNG deliveries from Russia and Iran to Brazil and South Africa was also explored.
[8] Proposals for BRICS industrial zones with preferential customs regimes were discussed, as well as investments through the BRICS Bank in logistics infrastructure (ports, railways, integrated industrial zones). It was decided to establish the BRICS Council for Technology and Industry, which will prepare a joint strategic plan for the 2025-2030 period.
[9] Although invited, Saudi Arabia has not yet ratified its membership, citing the need for further internal consultations, balancing relations with the USA and China, and assessing the implications for OPEC.
[10] Divergent positions exist among members regarding expansion: China and Russia support expansion; India is calling for a pause for reflection, citing the risks of diluting internal cohesion; Brazil and South Africa prefer clear accession criteria, including commitments for financial contributions to the BRICS Bank.
[11] India has not yet managed to become a superpower, but it is a major regional power and an influential global actor, without having the complete instruments of a superpower (a globally projectable military, mass-competitive proprietary technology, soft power equivalent to the USA/China), and with some real limitations (young demographics, an education system and agriculture lagging behind a superpower economy). However, it has the potential to become a major actor, provided it overcomes its internal constraints and intelligently navigates the rivalry between China and the USA.
